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After partition the Order declined rapidly in the Republic of Ireland. Following partition parades continued to take place in counties Monaghan and Cavan but none have taken place since The last Orange parade in the Republic of Ireland is at Rossnowlagh , County Donegal , an event which has been largely free from trouble and controversy. There are still Orange lodges in nine counties of the Republic of Ireland — counties Cavan , Cork , Donegal , Dublin, Laois , Leitrim , Louth , Monaghan and Wicklow , but most either do not parade or travel to other areas to do so.

The grant is intended to provide support for members in border areas and fund the repair of Orange halls, many of which have been subjected to vandalism. In July there were 45 Orange Lodges in the Republic. The Scottish branch of the Orange Order is the largest outside Ireland. The vast majority of Scotland's lodges are found in the Lowlands, especially the west Central Lowlands Glasgow , Ayrshire , Renfrewshire , Lanarkshire. Scotland's first Orange lodges were founded in by soldiers returning home from Ireland, where they had helped suppress an Irish republican rebellion.

Many of these immigrants saw themselves as returning to the land of their forefathers see Plantation of Ulster.

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As such, the Scottish branch has always had strong links with Northern Ireland, and tends to be largest wherever there are most descendants of Irish Protestants. Scottish Orangeism was associated with the Tory party. The Order's political influence crested between the World Wars, but was effectively nil thereafter as the Tory party began to move away from Protestant politics. Although the Grand Lodge publicly denounced paramilitary groups, many Scottish Orangemen were convicted of involvement in loyalist paramilitary activity, [] and Orange meetings were used to raise funds for loyalist prisoners' welfare groups.

In , 12, Orangemen and women marched along Edinburgh 's Royal Mile to celebrate the th anniversary of the Act of Union. The Lord Ordinary , Lord Kingarth , ruled that the phrase was ' fair comment ' on the Orange Order and that Ingram had been a member, although he had not played the flute.

The Orange Order reached England in , spread by soldiers returning to the Manchester area from service in Ireland. Since then, the English branch of the Order has generally supported the Conservative and Unionist Party.

Its presence in Liverpool dates to at least , when the first parade was held to mark the anniversary of the Battle of the Boyne, on 12 July. The Order was an important component in the founding of the Liverpool Protestant Party in , keeping an association until the party's demise in The Institution also holds a Junior parade there on Whit Monday. The parades in Southport have attracted controversy in recent times, with criticism of the disruption that results from the closure of main roads.

Other parades are held in Liverpool on the Sunday prior to the Twelfth and on the Sunday after. Other parades are held by individual Districts of the Province — in all approximately 30 parades a year. A new Lodge in Cardiff opened on 17 March , the first new Orange Lodge to be opened there for over 90 years. Founded by Ogle Gowan, in Brockville Ontario, the Orange Order played an important role in the history of Canada, where it was established in The Toronto lodge has held an annual Orange parade since , claiming it to be the longest running consecutive parade on the North American continent.

The Orange Order: A Contemporary Northern Irish History « Eric Kaufmann

In addition to Newfoundland and Ontario, the Orange Order played an important role in the frontier regions of Quebec , including the Gatineau - Pontiac, Quebec region. The region's earliest Protestant settlement occurred when fifteen families from County Tipperary settled in the valley in Carleton County after In the early nineteenth century, the post-Revolutionary republican spirit of the new United States attracted exiled Protestant United Irishmen such as Wolfe Tone and others.

Loyalists and Orangemen made up a minority of Irish Protestant immigrants during this period. Most of the Irish loyalist emigration was bound for Upper Canada and the Canadian Maritime provinces , where Orange lodges were able to flourish under the British flag. The few American lodges were founded by newly arriving Protestant Irish immigrants in coastal cities such as Philadelphia and New York. The first "Orange riot" on record was in , in Abingdon, New York, resulting from a 12 July march.

Several Orangemen were arrested and found guilty of inciting the riot. According to the State prosecutor in the court record, "the Orange celebration was until then unknown in the country". The immigrants involved were admonished: "In the United States the oppressed of all nations find an asylum, and all that is asked in return is that they become law-abiding citizens. Orangemen, Ribbonmen, and United Irishmen are alike unknown. They are all entitled to protection by the laws of the country. The Orange riots of and killed nearly 70 people, and were fought out between Irish Protestant and Catholic immigrants.

After this the activities of the Orange Order were banned for a time, the Order dissolved, and most members joined Masonic lodges. After , there were no more riots between Irish Catholics and Protestants. There was apparently a split in the group in the early s. The first Orange Institution Warrant No. It was sewn in the tunic of Private Andrew Alexander of the 50th Regiment. The 50th was mainly Irish; many of its members were Orangemen belonging to the Regimental lodge and they had secretly decided to retain their lodge warrant when they had been ordered to surrender all military warrants, believing that the order would eventually be rescinded and that the warrant would be useful in Australia.


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There are five state Grand Lodges in Australia which sit under the warrant of the Grand Lodge of Australia, the overall governing body for the institution in Australia. The lodge initially had problems finding a place to meet, as several landlords were threatened by Irish Catholic immigrants for hosting it.

A decade later a South Island Grand Lodge was formed, and the two merged in From the s the Order was involved in local and general elections, although Rory Sweetman argues that 'the longed-for Protestant block vote ultimately proved unobtainable'. The emergence of Orange parades in New Zealand was probably due to a Catholic revival movement which took place around this time.

Although some parades resulted in rioting, Sweetman argues that the Order and its right to march were broadly supported by most New Zealanders, although many felt uneasy about the emergence of sectarianism in the colony. Historian Geoffrey W. Rice maintains that William Massey's Orange sympathies were assumed rather than demonstrated. The New Zealand Order is unusual in having mixed-gender lodges, [] and at one point had a female Grand Master. The Orange Order in Ghana was founded by Ulster-Scots missionaries some time during the early twentieth century, and is currently supported by the Institute of Ulster Scots Studies.

The Orange Order in Ghana appears to be growing, largely based with the growing democracy there. They all appear to have died out some time in the s, due to political unrest. Conversely the Ghana lodges increased greatly in popularity with the return of democracy. As part of the re-branding of Orangeism to encourage younger people into a largely ageing membership, and as part of the planned rebranding of the July marches into an 'Orangefest', the 'superhero' Diamond Dan was created — named after one of its founding members, 'Diamond' Dan Winter — Diamond referring to the Institution's formation at the Diamond, Loughgall, in Initially unveiled with a competition for children to name their new mascot in November it was nicknamed ' Sash Gordon ' by several parts of the British media ; at the official unveiling of the character's name in February , Orange Order education officer David Scott said Diamond Dan was meant to represent the true values of the Order: " He won't drop litter and he will be keen on recycling".

There was however, uproar when it was revealed in the middle of the 'Marching Season' that Diamond Dan was a repaint of illustrator Dan Bailey 's well-known "Super Guy" character often used by British computer magazines , and taken without his permission, [] leading to the character being lampooned as "Bootleg Billy". From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. This article is about the Northern Ireland order. For Dutch dynastic knighthood, see Order of the House of Orange. For Dutch chivalric order, see Order of Orange-Nassau. For others, see Order of Orange. Protestant fraternal order originating in Northern Ireland.

The Orange Order flag , incorporating the colour orange, the purple star of the Williamites and the St George's Cross. Grand Master. Main article: History of the Orange Institution. Main article: Armagh disturbances. Main article: Battle of the Diamond. This section does not cite any sources. Please help improve this section by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. March Learn how and when to remove this template message. Main article: Drumcree conflict. Main articles: Orange walk and The Twelfth.

Orange order parades in Northern Ireland - DW Documentary

Main article: Independent Orange Institution. Main article: Royal Black Institution. Main article: Apprentice Boys of Derry. Main article: Grand Orange Lodge of Scotland. Main article: Orange Order in Canada. Main page: Category:Members of the Orange Order. Retrieved 16 May It is perhaps unsurprising that the order has outposts in countries like Australia and Canada where ex-pats from Northern Ireland have emigrated. But that is not how the order took root in the West African countries Ghana and Togo. The first Orange lodge in what is now Ghana was founded in Historical Dictionary of the Reformed Churches.

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Most of the organization's lodges are located in Northern Ireland, England, and Scotland, although others can be found throughout the British Commonwealth, including Canada, Australia, New Zealand and Africa. The lodges of every country are independent, but the Orange Order meets in a triennial world council. Orange Order. Retrieved 15 May We are a Protestant fraternity with members throughout the world. Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland. Retrieved 12 July BBC News. Retrieved 25 August Some marches have been a source of tension between nationalists who see the parades as triumphalist and intimidating, and Orangemen who believe it is their right to walk on public roads.

The Orange Order's parades, with their distinctive soundtrack of thunderous drums and pipes, are seen by many Catholics in Northern Ireland as a triumphalist display. An Phoblacht. The overwhelming majority of nationalists view Orange parades as triumphalist coat trailing exercises. Irish Central. The annual Orange marches have passed relatively peacefully in Northern Ireland this year, and it seems a good faith effort is underway to try and reorient the day from one of triumphalism to one of community outreach and a potential tourist attraction The 12th may well have been a celebration of a long ago battle at the Boyne in , but it came to symbolize for generations of Catholics the "croppie lie down" mentality on the Orange side.

The thunderous beat of the huge drums was just a small way of instilling fear into the Nationalist communities, while the insistence on marching wherever they liked through Nationalist neighborhoods was also a statement of supremacy and contempt for the feelings of the other community. Divided kingdom: Ireland, — Oxford University Press. Modern Irish republicans may look back to the United Irishmen as the founders of their tradition. But the one present-day organisation that can trace an unbroken descent from the s is the Protestant supremacist Orange Order. Ethnic violence and the societal security dilemma.

Ignatieff explains how the victory of William of Orange over Catholic King James 'became a founding myth of ethnic superiority The Ulstermen's reward, as they saw it, was permanent ascendancy over the Catholic Irish'. Thus, Orange Order marches have come to symbolise the supremacy of Protestantism over Catholicism in Northern Ireland. A flower grows in Ireland. University Press of Mississippi.

At the close of the eighteenth century, Protestants, again feeling the threat of the Catholic majority, began forming secret societies which coalesced into the Orange Order. No catholic and no-one whose close relatives are catholic may be a member. Explaining Northern Ireland: Broken Images. Blackwell Publishers. Australian Broadcasting Commission. Retrieved 28 May Loyal Protestant orders, the largest being the Orange Order, hold the most well-known and controversial parades.

The 'Marching Days' beginning on July 12 each year Unfortunately, the 'Marches wind their way through Catholic enclaves, a provocative move that ensures resistance, trouble, and often violence. History and Memory in Modern Ireland. Cambridge University Press.

Orange Order must adhere to Christian ethos

Blackstaff Press. Wiley-Blackwell, Page The Rebellion: An Illustrated History. Roberts Rinehart Publishers. The Lilliput Press, Harper Collins, London, Defenders of the Union. Retrieved 26 April The Orange Order. The Ulster Unionist Party, — Blackstaff Press, Retrieved 31 October Archived from the original on 24 February Kaufmann, E. Portadown Times. Retrieved 1 April For example, see Belfast Telegraph , 12 July , p.

Irish Journal of Sociology, Vol. The Guardian. Northern Ireland: can Sean and John live in peace? Brandylane Publishers Inc, p. Portadown Times , 13 July Retrieved 10 February In Fideler, David ed. Alexandria, Volume 2. Retrieved 21 January Evangelical Truth. Inside the Hidden World of Secret Societies. Retrieved 9 February Northern Ireland. Polity, Pages 24, , , Routledge, Evangelicalism and national identity in Ulster, — Oxford University Press, Manchester University Press.

Archived from the original on 6 June Archived from the original PDF on 10 November Archived from the original on 3 October Retrieved 22 May The Belfast Telegraph. Retrieved 8 October Retrieved 25 November Archived from the original on 2 July Retrieved 2 October UTV News. Buildings of Belfast — revised ed. Belfast: Friar's Bush Press. Retrieved 15 June Archived from the original on 23 July Archived from the original on 13 October Retrieved 29 August Belfast : Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland.

Archived from the original on 21 August Dewar, John Brown and S. London: Bloomsbury Publishing Plc. Orange parades: the politics of ritual, tradition, and control. Pluto Press, Two-Hundred Years in the Citadel. University of Tennessee, Edinburgh University Press, Blackstaff Press Conflict in Northern Ireland: An Encyclopedia. Abc-Clio Incorporated, Retrieved 26 September Belfast Telegraph. Retrieved 24 February Pluto Press. London: Telegraph.

London: The Telegraph. Eric Kaufmann's Homepage. International Review of Social History. BBC news website. Retrieved 30 January The Scotsman. Archived from the original on 24 September Toronto Sun. Canoe Sun Media.

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Retrieved 18 August David Wilson ed. The Orange Order in Canada. Archived from the original on 25 February Archived from the original on 1 April Retrieved 23 October Louis: B. Herder Book Co. Archived from the original on 14 January This reflects a class division between these two fraternities, which we shall return to later on. Orange membership has been computed from the annual reports of the Grand Lodge of Scotland , and annual returns for Variables are limited to those that span the entire period as part of either the census or Registrar-General's series.

The following variables were tested down for significance: a demographic - population growth, population, sex ratio, population density, marriage rate, birth rate, infant mortality rate; b cultural - religiosity in terms of religious marriages as a percentage of total marriages , denomination Church of Scotland, Roman Catholic, 'Nonconformist' and Irish born; and c economic - proportions in agricultural sector, professions and manufacturing.

In addition, I try to isolate the impact of the Irish-Protestant ethnic factor to get at the question of whether Orangeism is brought by Irish Protestant immigrants, or is caused by the response of native Scots to Irish-Catholics. Since the Irish-born population includes both Protestants and Catholics, we need to compare this figure with the proportion of Catholics. If the proportion of Irish-born is not significant, but the Catholic proportion of the population is, this suggests that we are observing a Scottish Protestant response to the presence of Irish-Catholics. The use of fixed dates for the Irish-born variable , , is necessary due to the steady decline in the rate of Irish immigration after Here I attempt to weigh the importance of the Irish-Protestant ethnic element by examining the ratio between the proportion Irish-born and the proportion Catholic at various dates was used for this model , a method used by Graham Walker When multiplied by the Irish- born population of , this provides a term which measures the impact of the Irish- Protestant population in the absence of direct data.

This thereby arrays cases between, on the one hand, counties like Argyllshire or Aberdeenshire which possess larger native Scots Catholic populations but few Irish descendants, and, on the other hand, counties with a large proportion of Irish immigrants, but with relatively low Catholic populations. Wigtownshire, Ayrshire. Given our focus on the central belt, the former effect is not likely to greatly influence our sample.

In statistical analyses which only include the main central belt counties, we find that the strongest predictor of Orange density in a county over the period is the Irish-Protestant percentage z-score of 17 in figure Next in importance are political events like the Papal visit or Home Rule which are deemed to be political threats to Protestantism.

The proportion of Catholics is weaker than various events at explaining membership, but is still significant. The mere presence of Irish Catholics, as in Dundee, is no guarantee of Orange strength, while smaller numbers of Irish Catholics - as in Ayrshire or West Lothian - may not directly correspond with lower Orange densities. Here we can see parallels with Ontario, where Orangeism is much stronger in areas of historic Irish- Protestant settlement, as well as Cumbria in northern England, where virtually all Orangemen had Irish immigrant heritage.

Kaufmann ; MacRaild [Figure 10 here] Another of the findings to emerge from this model is the importance of religio-ethnic variables as shown by the correlation between Orange membership density and the proportions of Irish-Protestant ethnicity and Catholic religion. The purely religious angle is not so vital: witness the insignificance of Protestant denomination ie.

Church of Scotland v. Nonconformist and religiosity in the analysis, thereby broadly confirming Bradley's survey evidence which shows that 27 percent of Scots Orangemen belong to churches other than the Church of Scotland while many are not regular churchgoers. Bradley 83, 95 In contrast, socio- demographic and economic factors such as population density, infant mortality, illiteracy and proportion in manufacturing are insignificant, casting some doubt upon theories which link the spread of Orangeism to a 'labour aristocracy' in growing industries like shipping or textiles.

Factors rotated principal components designed to simplify the full range of structural variables were also tested, with similar results. The only modestly significant structural variable is the agricultural proportion of a county's population. This was found to be negatively associated with Orange participation at a z-score of around 3. In other words, more urban counties like Lanark and Renfrew are more Orange than rural ones like Stirlingshire. What about the role of events? Many would leap to these in explaining membership trends over time. Generally speaking, major membership changes do not correspond very well to key historical events.

Only in the case of the membership collapse of do we get some clue from printed sources. Elaine McFarland writes that some in the Govan area of South Glasgow complained of the impact of 'dull trade' on the membership during this period, though it must be asked why this recession could have such a decisive impact as compared with the Great Depression.

McFarland Another possible explanation is that the extension of voting rights to rural Scots obviated the need for participation in a political vehicle like the Order. However, any explanation focused on the extension of voting rights to rural Scots must explain why the membership falloff in a big city like Glasgow, where residents already could vote, was as severe as in rural areas and why the more significant franchise extension had no similar effect.

Otherwise, there is no obvious reason for the Orange membership collapse of nor the spikes of , , , and Individual events had surprising little explanatory power. Among the few important individual events affecting membership were the two Church of Scotland- related crises , , the Boer War, World War I and the First Home Rule crisis I then tested for broad categories of events. This involved amalgamating events that could be categorised as: 1 Threats to Protestantism or the Union; 2 Protestant policy victories; 3 Protestant policy losses; 4 Social or political stimuli; 5 Wartime.

I also tested for the impact of economic recessions, dues increases and leadership changes - none of which proved significant. Of the five main groups of events, all but policy victories were significant in at least some of the models. The exigencies of war notably a high Orange enlistment rate and policy losses tend to lower Orange membership whereas political threats and stimuli from socio-political actors like firebrand preacher George Wise or the Protestant political parties of John Cormack and Alexander Ratcliffe tend to increase membership.

One-year lags of the five event variables listed above proved insignificant. On this evidence, we can make the case that events occupy a middle causal ground between ethno-religious factors and structural factors in explaining Orange membership dynamics. There is one caveat to this: when we move from a county-level analysis to look at trends at ward level in Glasgow, we find that the proportion of Catholics in a ward becomes insignificant while structural forces seem more important. In particular, a high number of casual workers and high population density in a ward both associated with poverty seemed to be associated with low Orange participation by Protestants while the proportion of skilled workers was linked to higher Orange participation.

Saying this, the limitations of the Mclean and Gordon data suggest that we should treat such findings with some caution. Social Makeup Much of the analysis we have presented is based on county-level aggregate data which compares census data and membership. But individual-level records largely confirm our county-level findings see table 1. For instance, an analysis of all lodge masters and secretaries in sample from the Scottish Orange directory of against the nominal census of Scotland in that year paints a clearer picture: fully 72 percent were Irish-born.

The average age was 39, almost all were working-class just 4. No ethnic data are freely available for years after and data are available for a fee , but we can still track occupational data through valuation rolls. Examining the valuation rolls of for Glasgow shows a much higher representation of petit-bourgeois occupations like shopkeeper and clerk than in Scotland as a whole in Fully 27 percent of our sample of 99 masters and secretaries from the city were in this category in This has less to do with changes between and than it does with the geographical fact that Glasgow had a higher proportion of nonmanual occupations than surrounding west-central belt towns.

As with the Scottish lodge officers, the Glasgow Orangemen reflected the occupational structure of their city and this should dispel any notion that Orangeism was a unique product of class, as opposed to ethno-religious, relationships. Table 1. We can see this in the limited professional and bourgeois representation within the Orangemen and women sampled in the twentieth century in table 1 and figure If anything, the proportion of professionals, bourgeoisie and skilled workers to the unskilled labelled in the table as the 'class ratio' was higher in the late nineteenth than the late twentieth century.

This reflects a 'class slippage' effect which was also noticeable in the Northern Irish organisation in the twentieth century. Kaufmann Figure Kaufmann Here we use postcode classification to get at a measure of status in figure Notice, for example, that the Orange officebearers of are vastly underrepresented in the top MOSAIC postcode classifications A and B and overrepresented in public housing categories E through H.

The contrast with the odd Freemason officebearers of the same year is particularly striking. The post-industrial restructuring of Scotland's economy seems to have passed the Order by entirely. Figure Looking purely at Glasgow-based members of the Grand Lodge of Scotland in table 2, we find a somewhat more elite social profile, albeit one which exhibits a static profile in the period Unfortunately the postcodes of Grand Lodge members cease to be listed for the recent period apart from those holding the top few positions.

Of these, two appear to be from well-off postcodes A,J and two from poorer ones D , but the sample size is too small to draw firm conclusions. Kaufmann Table 2. Occupational Class of Scottish Orange Elite, [table 2 here] Source: GOLS Directories, Women and Children The role of women in passing on cultural traditions, and females' greater religiosity, is widely acknowledged. McCracken a Women likewise played an important part in the junior movement which was critical to raising the next generation of Orangemen.

In contrast to Northern Ireland, where the women's and junior branches remained small and marginal to the functioning of the Order, the Scottish Orangewomen and juniors were in the forefront of the organisation. They are also subsumed within the total membership numbers quoted by Grand Lodge, which is not the case in Northern Ireland. The numerical ascent of these 'auxiliary' organisations after is striking.

Figure 13 shows the relative membership of the three branches of Scottish Orangeism in the twentieth century at successive census dates. Notice that the men's lodges are a near-minority within Orangeism by Between and , the women's organisation actually supersedes that of the men and the juniors are not far behind. Only in the s do adult men re-emerge as the majority within Scottish Orangeism.

Even in Ontario, where the first women's lodges were formed in the late nineteenth century, women's lodges only enrolled about half the numbers that the men did. Thus Scotland appears to be distinct from other Orange jurisdictions in its twentieth century gender profile. In Scotland, a similar pattern seems to prevail, with junior strength cresting in the early s, followed by a decline in the men's organisation in the s. Canadian evidence from Ontario and Newfoundland shows that Orangemen's and women's associations declined in tandem, beginning in the late s or early s.

Kaufmann The decline in women's interest may have to do with changing gender roles or with alienation at falling Orange church membership since women tend to be far more pious than men. Hayes Sister Helyne MacLean certainly hints that gender issues were prominent in the Order in her bicentenary message to the membership: Women have always been regarded as an important part of the Institution in Scotland Society is changing dramatically and it is inevitable that we will see changes within our Institution, for some, women as well as men , change may be unwelcome and happen too fast while for others it may not happen fast enough.

I wonder how often during the almost ninety years of its existence that the Ladies Association of Scotland have raised the issue of the status of women McCracken a, McLean ; McFarland The rapid decline in general Scottish Protestant church membership from the late s came to be mirrored in Orangemen's slipping church attendance.

At the same time, the surging ecumenical movement within the Church of Scotland began to close churches to Orange services and put pressure on the relationship between Orange flocks and their pastors. In the s, little more than a dozen clergymen remained Orangemen, compared to several hundred in Northern Ireland. McCracken a; Morrow et al Ecumenical clergy criticised the Order from the left, while on the right, evangelical clergy like Jack Glass or David Cassels looked askance at Orange social clubs and their lack of piety.

McFarland In , one Church of Scotland minister reflected the sentiment of many in the Kirk when he remarked that membership in the church was incompatible with membership in the Order. McCracken a Seven clergymen are listed as Grand Chaplains in , and this number remained steady until Importantly, just one of the seven Orange clerics in was present in , suggesting that an important reservoir of new talent had risen to the level of Grand Chaplain.

However, between and the present, no new blood has flowed into the Orange chaplaincy. Attrition culled the number of Grand Chaplains to just four by The resignation of Rev. Gordon McCracken in over the violence at Drumcree deprived the Order of one of its leading intellectuals. By , Rev. GOLS The consolidation of Glasgow Orange services within the walls of the Orange-friendly Glasgow Evangelical Church in Cathedral Square represents another facet of the contracting Orange connection to institutionalised religion. McCracken a, 'Grand Secretary advised Grand Lodge of the great difficulties we were experiencing in obtaining a suitable venue for the Annual Divine Service, having written to several prospective locations without success' bemoaned Grand Lodge in March Remarking upon the fact that just one district lodge from outside Glasgow had attended the annual Orange service in despite the hire of two separate facilities, the author opined that Glasgow Evangelical Church would suffice for the service.

Whereas an Orange initiate required a letter from his or her clergyman in the s to join, this had become watered down to mere 'vouching' from a churchgoing fellow Orangeman by the s. McCracken a Herein lies a possible explanation for the difference between Canada, where churchgoing remained strong into the s and most Orangemen remain avid churchgoers, and Scotland, where the Kirk began to lose strength in the s and secularisation within the ranks is high.

The Rev. Alan Hasson was integral to Scottish Orangeism's new radicalism. Hasson's genealogy was certainly unusual within Orangeism: his mother was Irish Catholic and his father Egyptian. Nonetheless, Hasson emerged as a charismatic minister who spearheaded opposition to ecumenism within the Church of Scotland in the s and served as Grand Chaplain of the Scottish Orange Order. Hasson to speak at any demonstrations'. Grand Lodge need not have worried: the Vigilant's subscriber list shows that no more than about 10 percent of the odd subscribers were from Northern Ireland.

Though the Grand Lodge of Scotland agreed to apologise and pay compensation to the affected tobacco firm, Alan Hasson remained both editor of the Vigilant and an influential Orange chaplain and became Grand Master of Scotland the following year. Topping at the platform at Finaghy during the Belfast Twelfth of When pressed to apologise to both Belfast County organisers and Topping for his heckling, Hasson responded with an aggressive phone message to the Order's Belfast headquarters. Later, the Hasson- influenced Grand Lodge of Scotland's executive committee warned the Ulstermen to drop the charge against Hasson or face a serious inter-jurisdictional rift within Orange ranks.

This was acceded to by the GOLI, and represented such a low point in relations between the two branches that one Ulsterman remarked that it would be unpleasant to go to Scotland in for the Triennial Council meetings. A period of quiescence followed, which was reawakened by the Northern Ireland Troubles of Gordon McCracken laments what he calls the 'Ulsterisation' of the Order from this period, accompanied by a growing tendency for Scottish lodges and bands to go across by ferry to march in Northern Ireland. This was mirrored by the fading of distinctively Scottish Orange traditions: the pipe bands which once led Orange services dwindled while the Scottish and Union flags which many districts once sported were replaced by the Red Hand of Ulster.

Bradley 94; Bicentenary Video This Britishness reinforces the concern for Northern Ireland issues, in marked contrast to Canada, where discussion about Ulster politics is virtually absent from reports of proceedings. Ulsterisation is clearly evident in the content of Grand Lodge of Scotland reports to the membership form the early s onward.

Since , Ulster matters topped the list of concerns outlined in the annual reports, and in the regular Grand Master's Addresses. Throughout the s, concerns over Ulster's security and constitutional status were paramount. The early s, when fears regarding the official status of the Pope and the Papal Visit predominated, proved one of the few exceptions to the Ulsterisation rule. Even then, the Hunger Strike simmered just below the Papal Visit in the list of priorities.

Thereafter, the Grand Lodge prioritised criticism of the Anglo-Irish Agreement in the late s, agitated on behalf of the 'UDR Four' in the early and mid s and backed the protests at Drumcree in Portadown in the late s. These concerns featured as the first agenda item in reports, with local education, parading and political matters rarely intruding into top spot.

These were initially torpedoed by clashes between the established Unionists led by the Order , who counselled against violence, and Ian Paisley over the inclusion of paramilitary representatives at the table. Ulster Orangemen had been impressed by the vitality of Orangeism among young Scots and appreciated the generous donations from Scotland toward Orange social causes in Northern Ireland.

Accordingly, the Scots envisaged inviting all shades of loyalist opinion over to Scotland for a conference. This was not enough for Adam, who pointed out that 'the meeting, having represented only three bodies - no matter how influential - did not produce the effect of solidarity'. After a month went by with no response from Northern Ireland, a follow-up letter was sent by the Scots.

The letter concluded with an acknowledgment of Scottish-Ulster solidarity, which it was felt might extend to the military sphere: 'We know, that in certain ways, you will continue to prepare yourselves to support the Loyalists of Ulster should the present dangers increase'. During the uncertain days of , when Irish Home Rule - enforced by British troops in the north - seemed imminent, the seven Glasgow chapters of the paramilitary Ulster Volunteer Force organised as many as 2, men to defend Protestant Ulster.

Marshall 99 The Grand Lodge of Scotland along with that of England also became involved in Orange lobbying at Westminster for a return of Stormont and a hard line against terrorism. In , Martin Smyth and the Ulster Orangemen scolded the Grand Lodge of Scotland for meeting representatives of loyalist paramilitaries and making press statements. Their request to hold a joint meeting of the central committees of the Irish and Scottish associations was then rebuffed by Scottish Grand Master Thomas Orr.

In , a 'Campaign to Assist Ulster' got underway, with plans for protest parades, petitions, lobbying, fundraising, visits to South Armagh and joint delegations with Ulster Orangemen to see the Prime Minister. This latest outrage at Comber requires a policy of total extermination of the evil men and women of Ireland who glory in death and violence'.

Enoch Powell, the Ulster Unionist M. Powell's comments on repatriation Powell is a luxury neither the Unionists, nor Ulster, can afford'. Lists of names of those to contact were provided by the GOLI to the Scottish brethren and a 'mammoth' London rally planned. The Scottish Grand Lodge helped to organise the printing of thousands of leaflets and over , stickers. After a survey of the proposed Papal route with local Edinburgh Orangemen, it was determined that: With sufficient strength in numbers a strong protest could be effective at the top of the Mound Approximately of our people were present in that area and the whole of the Mound was there for the taking but unfortunately approximately 30 minutes prior to the arrival of the Pope's transport the Rev.

Ian Paisley arrived and along with 20 of his supporters started singing which attracted the police and caused police reinforcements to be brought to the area. Prior to the police reinforcements arriving there was every possibility that we would have been able to carry out the intention of blocking the Papal route by sitting across the road. In addition to castigating the apathy of the membership, Bain expressed 'amazement' that some members, including many from Central Committee, had opted to demonstrate in Glasgow on the same day, detracting from the Grand Lodge strategy to focus on Edinburgh.

That said, a subsequent report on the Glasgow events found that just 38 souls had attended the Mosspark Boulevard protest despite police permission for The sister demonstration at George Square was also a fiasco, with Orange protesters and Ian Paisley harassed by drunken 'loyalist' elements while police moved in. All told, the day underscored the apathy of the Orange membership and its lack of mobilising capacity. Three Glasgow Orange districts called for the Grand Master's resignation.

The large Govan district complained that Grand Lodge had failed to coordinate their protests with local trade unions. Reflecting Bryan's 'rough' Orangeism with its emphasis on action, these grassroots complaints also alleged that the Grand Lodge officers were too dignified in their protest. In response, Thomas Orr's Grand Lodge officers stood up for 'respectable' Orangeism: 'If the membership disagree[s] with the principal lodge office bearers ignoring the call for militant action that ha[s] come from certain quarters, calling for "walking through blood to protest on the Pope's visit" which the Trustees believed was a contradiction of Orange Christian principles then the principal office bearers [are] due a vote of no confidence'.

Grand Lodge officers also excoriated the apathy of many within the organisation who had not supported the campaign. Namely, that Scottish Orange membership achieved its post- membership peak just after the Papal Visit of and went into steady decline from McCracken b. The Order's activity also encompassed other realms, much like its Ulster counterpart. An education committee oversaw developments pertaining to the equitable funding of Catholic and non-denominational schools, as well as seeking to bolster the religious content of the latter.

Ecumenism and relations with the main churches especially the Kirk was another major sphere of activity and lobbying. Though few Orangemen were clerics, a wider number were active as church elders and could present their case this way as well as through letters which sought to bring forth motions in the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland. Though less active on this front than its Irish counterpart, the Scottish Grand Lodge also sought to promote sabbatarianism.

A motion for lodges to be allowed to meet in licensed premises though not in pubs was, accordingly, passed. Grand Lodge also urged that clubs move to a six-day opening, though no action appears to have been forthcoming on this issue.